Silvania won the vote, but Pisas kept the throne!

Did MFK sideline its most popular politician to protect itself from collapse?

In Curaçao’s March 2025 parliamentary election, one candidate stood out far above the rest. Javier Silvania, then serving as Minister of Finance, received a staggering 18,264 votes. That figure not only made him the most popular politician in the country, but also gave him nearly three times as many votes as the Prime Minister, Gilmar “Pik” Pisas.

Yet on 11 June 2025, it was not Silvania who was appointed to lead the country. It was Pisas, once again. Sworn in for a third term as Prime Minister, Pisas took charge of the new cabinet under the MFK’s absolute parliamentary majority, with Silvania simply returning to his previous role.

To many observers, this outcome defied political logic. In most democracies, the top vote-getter within the ruling party would be rewarded with leadership. But in Curaçao, the opposite happened. The man with the biggest public mandate was quietly passed over.

The most credible explanation is also the most politically sensitive: Silvania may have been considered too risky to promote, not because of formal wrongdoing, but because of the growing body of evidence tying his portfolio to failed reforms, fiscal irregularities and regulatory failures that could, in time, threaten the stability of government.

A vote count that could not be ignored

The March elections were a major success for the Movement for the Future of Curaçao (MFK), which secured 13 out of 21 seats, allowing it to form government without any coalition partner. Silvania’s personal vote total dwarfed that of his colleagues. It was widely seen as a public endorsement of his role in spearheading the much-hyped LOK gambling reform law, which had been passed by Parliament in December 2024.

Given those numbers, many expected Silvania to be offered the Prime Minister position or at least an enhanced leadership role within the new administration. Instead, he was reappointed to his existing portfolio (with Public Health added) but without any upward shift in political hierarchy. It was not a promotion. It was preservation.

A liability in waiting?

Silvania’s popularity at the ballot box was unmatched, but inside the party, it appears to have triggered caution, not celebration. In the weeks leading up to the cabinet formation, a number of issues surrounding Curaçao’s gaming sector had begun to draw critical attention. Many of them fell squarely under Silvania’s responsibility as Finance Minister and chief architect of the country’s licensing overhaul.

The new LOK regime, presented as a landmark reform, still had no functioning regulator as of January 2025. Provisional licences continued to be issued under the old structure. Several licensees collapsed into bankruptcy, leaving unpaid players, untraceable funds and a mounting pile of unanswered questions.

Most of the operators in question (including BC Game and Rabidi) were vetted under the supervision of the Gaming Control Board (GCB), whose leadership worked closely with Silvania’s ministry during the reform process. Trust firms involved in these licences were reported to have personal or professional links to advisers within Silvania’s circle.

If this picture were to worsen or become the subject of foreign regulatory scrutiny, it could trigger an existential crisis. An administration led by Silvania might collapse. The entire MFK government could fall with it.

The trust connection

One of the most persistent concerns relates to IGA Trust, a company still actively involved in facilitating provisional gambling licences in Curaçao. IGA has been publicly criticised by MP Giselle McWilliam and formally reported to the Central Bank of Curaçao by financial investigator Luigi Faneyte.

Faneyte’s complaint alleges that the firm is effectively managed by individuals not listed on official registers and that it has handled financial flows linked to unlicensed or blacklisted operators abroad. Despite these warnings, IGA Trust remains active.

Silvania has not addressed this issue publicly. Nor has the government launched an inquiry. The longer the silence continues, the more it raises questions about who benefits from maintaining the current system and why no visible action is being taken.

Subsidy disputes and unanswered questions

Silvania also faced separate controversy earlier this year over allegations of unauthorised subsidy allocations.

In March 2025, MP McWilliam questioned whether subsidies had been distributed without parliamentary approval, in apparent breach of Curaçao’s budgetary rules. Rather than address the substance of the inquiry, Silvania issued a lengthy rebuttal focusing on the failures of past governments, accusing critics of hypocrisy and deflecting blame.

The episode fed into a broader concern: that Silvania, while charismatic and effective on the campaign trail, has become increasingly evasive when pressed on matters of public finance and accountability.

This is not a technical issue. It speaks to the integrity of Curaçao’s democratic processes. Parliamentarians have the right to ask questions. Ministers have a duty to respond transparently. When that balance is broken, confidence in government collapses.

A pattern of proximity, not guilt

Importantly, no court has found Silvania guilty of any offence. There is no formal charge and no legal finding that he has committed wrongdoing. But politics is not purely legal. It is perception-based, risk-averse and sensitive to reputation. Silvania is not accused of being corrupt, but he is uncomfortably close to the epicentre of multiple failures.

He is close to the trust firms. Close to the provisional licensing process. Close to the GCB. And close to a reform law that has yet to be implemented effectively. In that light, MFK’s decision to bypass him for Prime Minister may not be surprising. It may have been the only viable way to protect the party’s long-term hold on power.

Pisas as political firewall

Gilmar Pisas, by contrast, offers a stabilising figure with fewer liabilities. He may not have the same public support or visibility, but he carries less baggage. In times of uncertainty, such qualities are highly valued.

His third term as Prime Minister allows MFK to claim continuity, avoid an internal power struggle and sidestep the media storm that would inevitably erupt if Silvania were later caught in a regulatory scandal.

Some see this as an act of pragmatism. Others see it as betrayal.

What message does this send to voters?

The real casualty here may not be Silvania, but the credibility of the vote itself. When the candidate with the highest number of votes by a wide margin is denied the country’s top post, it sends a message that internal party politics outweigh the public’s will. That perception, if it deepens, could harm MFK’s legitimacy and demoralise voters who believed their ballot mattered.

Democracies must not only operate by rules. They must be seen to respect the spirit of representation. Curaçao’s electoral system may legally allow party leaders to choose the Prime Minister, but politically, the optics are troubling.

A decision rooted in self-preservation

In the end, this may be a classic case of risk management. Silvania, while popular and ambitious, has accumulated too many unknowns. MFK chose to keep him in the cabinet, rather than remove him entirely; perhaps hoping the public would view this as a compromise. But make no mistake: he was passed over.

The reason, most likely, is not what he has done, but what he is connected to and what might still come out. Whether through regulatory fallout, further bankruptcies or new whistleblower disclosures, the risk remains alive. Had he become Prime Minister and then fallen under investigation, the entire cabinet would have suffered.

Now, that danger has been quietly defused. For now!

FAQs

What was Javier Silvania’s vote total in the 2025 election?
He received 18,264 votes, making him the most popular politician in Curaçao at that election.

Why was Silvania not appointed Prime Minister despite his popularity?
MFK likely viewed him as a political risk due to links with failed reforms and regulatory issues.

Who became Prime Minister after the March 2025 elections?
Gilmar “Pik” Pisas was sworn in for a third term as Prime Minister.

What role did Silvania retain in the new cabinet?
He returned as Minister of Finance, with Public Health added to his responsibilities.

What controversies surrounded Silvania’s tenure as Finance Minister?
Issues included regulatory failures in the gaming sector, provisional licensing problems, and subsidy disputes.

What is the significance of IGA Trust in this context?
IGA Trust is implicated in facilitating provisional gambling licenses and is linked to concerns raised by MPs and financial investigators.

Was Silvania formally charged with any offense?
No, there have been no legal charges or court findings against him.

How did MFK’s election results affect its ability to form a government?
MFK won 13 of 21 seats, allowing it to govern without coalition partners.

What message does Silvania being passed over send to voters?
It raises questions about whether internal party politics can override the public’s vote and affect democratic representation.

Why might MFK have chosen Pisas over Silvania?
Pisas offered a stabilizing, lower-risk option to protect the party from potential regulatory or political fallout.

Legal disclaimer: This article presents a journalistic analysis based on verified election data, parliamentary records and public statements. No criminal accusation is made against Mr Silvania or any individual mentioned. All persons are presumed innocent unless proven guilty in a court of law. The article reflects information available at the time of publication and is intended for public interest reporting only. It does not constitute legal advice or formal accusation.